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Author Topic: Ostracism: The Cruel Power of Silence  (Read 1026 times)

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Offline CZBZ

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    • The Narcissistic Continuum

Ostracism: The Cruel Power of Silence
« on: February 08, 2009, 01:24:43 PM »




Ostracism: The Cruel Power of Silence

Part One


Kip Williams: Ostracism and the silent treatment are very palpable metaphors for 'this is what life would be like if you did not exist, this is what it would be like if you were dead'.

Woman 1: I was married to a man that would give you the silent treatment and he'd go weeks and weeks and not talk to you other than 'pass the salt and pepper'. And I found that just as damaging, it's a form of abuse so I guess as I've got older and would like to think wiser, I just wouldn't tolerate it now. I just choose to walk away.

Woman 2: Yes but John was a power controller.

Woman 1: Yes he was, we were both married to the same man, can you believe it!?

Woman 2: He was definitely a power controller.

Woman 1: A very placid man outwardly, but that was his power.

Natasha Mitchell: How did it make you feel?

Woman 1: Frustrated, but then really angry, and then over the years then it was 'oh well, I don't care'. I got caught up in the same thing, he didn't talk, I didn't talk

Natasha Mitchell: It's a vicious cycle.

Woman 1: Yes, it is, you get into a cycle with it.

Natasha Mitchell: And hello, Natasha Mitchell joining you for All in the Mind this week, great to have your company. Today, bullying, getting the silent treatment, social rejection - it may be ubiquitous but it's not nearly discussed enough. And if the exploits of reality TV are anything to go by, it appears we've turned social ostracism into a national tele-sport.

Kip Williams: Yes, it can be done at a societal level in groups ostracising groups, it can be groups ostracising individuals, it can also be an individual ostracising another individual, and so we usually call it the silent treatment. But it's the same thing, you're ignoring and you're excluding somebody.

Natasha Mitchell: Kip Williams is Professor of Psychology at Macquarie University and he was one of the hosts of, ironically enough, a closed symposium this week on the Social Outcast, organised by Macquarie and the University of New South Wales. It brought together some of the biggest international names in social psychology. And over the next two weeks here on All in the Mind you'll hear some of the latest thinking from what is a relatively young field of scientific research, ostracism.

Social rejection comes in so many shades and places - at school, in the workplace and of course in the home. And as you'll hear today, it can make us aggressive and even physically sick.



[Montage of news archive]

Journalist [news archive]: We begin tonight with the culture of rumbling and bullying that's emerged at an exclusive school...

Journalist [news archive]: The Japanese Justice Ministry today began an investigation into the suicide of a 13-year-old boy who was found hanging from a tree. Inside he'd left a suicide detailing months of bullying by a group of students at his school...

Letter of boy [news archive]: I should have refused to comply with their demands, then things would not have become like this. I'm sorry, I wanted to live longer.



Woman 3: I've been bullied and that was at school, and for that reason I had no friends and it was just in every class, they were bully, bully, bully, 'Miss Piggy' or 'chubby cheeks', and I used to cry a lot. And I used to go home in lunch so no one would pick on me - and then I left school.

Natasha Mitchell: At our core the need to belong, to be included, it could be argued goes back to our evolutionary roots, we are fundamentally social beings.

Roy Baumeister is Professor of Psychology at Florida State University. He's the author of a stack of popular titles including Evil - Inside Human Cruelty and Violence and Losing Control - Why and How People Fail at Self Regulation.

Roy Baumeister: The criteria for success in biology and evolution are survival and reproduction, animals that survive and reproduce better are the ones that we are descended from, and the ones who didn't do that so well took themselves out of the gene pool and didn't leave a trace.

Human beings, we really survived mainly by virtue of being connected to others, and in fact I take it that it's not just being social, it's being cultural; human beings used culture as our basic biological strategy. So human beings that didn't have any need to connect with others and get involved - we're not descended from them.

Natasha Mitchell: Now if we are to follow that, if you like, paradigm of evolutionary psychology; then is the social outcast, is the deep eccentric, somehow an evolutionary anomaly?

Roy Baumeister: It depends what you mean, people can be outcast because others don't accept them, and I think you'll find almost invariably that people who are rejected by others have fewer offspring and are less likely to have passed their genes along. So yes, today we are not descended very much from social outcasts, we're descended from the people who were very socially successful.

The other part of your question is maybe what about people who don't want to be accepted or be included, and actually there are precious few of those. People seek acceptance in different groups...

Natasha Mitchell: Or in different ways.

Roy Baumeister: In different ways, some people may want a lot of friends, some may want a few friends but my friend Warren Jones remarked once that in 20 years of studying loneliness he had met many students and many others, many people who said they had no friends; but he never found anybody who said they didn't want to have any friends.

Kip Williams: Over thousands of years we have developed a very fine-tuned system for detecting even the slightest hint of being excluded. The alarm goes off and we start to do whatever it is we think we should do to get back in the good graces or to somehow cope with that exclusion. So it's adaptive to be able to detect when you're going to be rejected, excluded or ostracised.

It's a painful experience for those who are getting ostracised, but it is also painful for people who do it as well. It's hard to do, it's hard to on a daily basis not look at somebody, not talk to somebody and not answer their questions. We have rules of social engagement that we've used for years and years and years, and to have to not do it means you have to be mindful, you have to be thinking what you're doing. And then some people feel like once they've started ostracising, especially a loved one of a family member and they've done it for weeks and weeks and weeks, and months and months and years and years that they can't stop. It sort of takes control of them and they feel like they can't go back and make up because that would be to admit that they'd been wrong all this time. So they just keep it going and sometimes we've interviewed people who have ostracised for years; 10, 20 years, and they can't remember why they started.

Natasha Mitchell: You've looked at ostracism in a whole range of ways but you've also quite specifically looked at a number of extraordinary cases of people that have been ostracised by people in their immediate lives. Can you give me some situations?

Kip Williams: Yes, we've done interviews with a large number of people now who have been given the silent treatment or been ostracised for many, many years and also some, a smaller group, who have done it to others.

And yes there is one woman whose husband did not look at her, or talk to her, or even sit at the same table for dinner or breakfast for the last 40 years of their marriage. And we interviewed her - she was just depressed, she felt like she had no alternatives. You know the obvious question you'd have of anybody in that situation is, why would you stay in that relationship? And she said I just didn't think I had any other options, or at least I had a roof over my head.

There have been a lot of people like that whose fathers, or mothers, or sisters or brothers or sons or daughters have given them the silent treatment and ostracised them. Sometimes it's the family against one person as well, not just one against one, but several against one, and these are really heart-wrenching stories. They don't feel like anybody wants them, they feel alienated from their families. A lot of the people we interviewed had attempted suicide, some of them had eating disorders, a couple become very promiscuous. It had different debilitating affects on different people.

Other people try to provoke a response, so some people have resorted to insulting and saying really hurtful things and even worse, throwing marble ashtrays, punching and hitting and things like that, in order to just simply get a response.

A lot of our interviewees have actually said, and this is without us asking, they said 'I'd rather be hit than be given the silent treatment'. To be hit, they say, at least recognises you know that the person knows you're there. One lady also said you can take your bruises to the police but you can't take silence.

Natasha Mitchell: You mentioned that some of them had actually been ostracisers, how did they reflect on the situation?

Kip Williams: The ones that were ostracisers fell into two groups, there were the proud and the penitent. There were some that just thought it was the best thing since sliced bread that they weren't able to really get a hand up on anybody until they learnt how to give them the silent treatment. And then they realised that that levelled the playing field, and like if you're with somebody that's very articulate and a good arguer they'd always win, but if you give them the silent treatment then you've just taken or stripped away their weapon. Then there were the people who were penitent, they realised that they had lost very important people in their lives and they just felt like they'd gotten into this habit where they couldn't stop, and so they habitually respond as soon as they're angry, they respond with silence.

Natasha Mitchell: Professor Kip Williams, whose team is doing some extraordinary work at Macquarie University, and we'll hear more from him later. The silence of ostracism can make for a very lonely and unhealthy existence. It's an experience that John Cacciopo, Professor of Psychology at the University of Chicago, knows a thing or two about. And if the figures from the USA are anything to go by, so do an increasing proportion of the community.

John Cacciopo: So if you look at the number of single person households between 1980 and 2010, the predictions are there will be an increase of 40%, which is an enormous increase in isolation. And there are also other statistics, for instance the number of people in a household in 1950 was about 2.7. Now it's down to about 2.4, which is really a dramatic reduction. The typical family in the United States is now a woman with two children.

The experience of loneliness isn't the same as being isolated. People can feel lonely when they're in a group. We do know that isolation is one of the strong predictors of feelings of loneliness, so as people move to more isolated conditions you can expect loneliness to increase. We've also looked and asked that question, why does it matter? And there's strong epidemiological evidence from prospective studies, showing that being isolated or feeling lonely predicts broad-based morbidity and mortality.

If you look at what's producing the health care costs, it's no longer infectious diseases or acute diseases. The primary causes are from chronic diseases, and isolation and loneliness are strong contributors to those disease states. How does that happen? There are two broad categories of reaction - there's catabolic and anabolic. Catabolic group are simply stress reactions, and so we find all kinds of differences in the regulation of the cardiovascular system, we find greater total peripheral resistance, that is the resistance to blood going through the cardiovascular system in lonely compared to non-lonely individuals as they age.

Natasha Mitchell: So that increases cardiovascular risk, risk of cardiovascular disease?

John Cacciopo: Yes, exactly, and then there's the age. There is something called arterial stiffening, that aging process is promoted by social disconnectedness by loneliness, so those age more quickly, your blood pressure goes up if you're lonely compared to non-lonely.

Natasha Mitchell: Are those results robust, in your mind?

John Cacciopo: Yes, they are. We've found them in a couple of different studies now. We have a large population-based study...

Natasha Mitchell: Longitudinally, over time?

John Cacciopo: We are looking at it longitudinally at this point, all the data to date are cross sectional, it's been replicated by other people.

We've also looked at inflammation, inflammation is a very primitive response to assaults of the body, there's interlukin 1, which is a cytokine, the most primitive of all molecules in biological organisms...

Natasha Mitchell: Very much core to our immune responses.

John Cacciopo: Right, we've looked in inflammatory response, cytokines, and indeed they also are higher in the lonely than non-lonely.

And so we've looked at a number of different processes, but the best is probably sleep. How well do you sleep? And we put these individuals to bed and we awakened in the morning, we measured their sleep throughout the night, we've measured it in the hospital, we've measured it in their home, we've measured it in young people, we've measured it in old people and in all of those studies we find that these lonely individuals, even when the sleep behaviour is the same, they are in bed just as much, they sleep just as long, their sleep is less efficient, they complain of day time dysfunction, being tired more.

Natasha Mitchell: As part of that work you've also been identifying the sorts of individuals, the personality traits that predispose people to loneliness. So who are the lonely people?

John Cacciopo: I wanted to first determine whether loneliness was what people typically think. Is it the funny-looking kid, is it the short fat kid, is it people like me - is it people who are not going to be very attractive to other people? And it turns out that's not the case.

Natasha Mitchell: Don't be cruel...to yourself!

John Cacciopo: Oh I wanted to make sure that wasn't the case and in fact that's not the case. Intelligence didn't predict it; height, weight, body mass, physical attractiveness - none of that predicted loneliness.

Natasha Mitchell: Beautiful people are lonely too.

John Cacciopo: Beautiful people, Princess Di was as lonely as, you know, Marilyn Monroe - these celebrities can be very lonely as well. It doesn't have to do with whether they're accepted in a sense by the collective, or valued by the collective. It has to do with three aspects. There're three dimensions of sociality or loneliness. And one is this feeling of intimate connectedness. We found in our research the best predictor of that is marital status, that's kind of an illustration of this intimate connectedness. The second component is relational connectedness. Think of it as having a best friend. Best predictor? - frequency of contact with friends and family over the last several months. And a third is collective connectedness and that's identification with a group that's important to you. The best predictor of that in our studies were voluntary associations to which they belong.

Natasha Mitchell: They're the sort of connections we make, but what about inherent to people themselves? Clearly beauty, age, weight, intelligence, education - those things aren't so important, but are there things that are important? What about self-esteem?

John Cacciopo: Yes, things like self-esteem, shyness, social skills, anxiety, pessimism, depression, hostility, all of those characterise a lonely person instead of a non-lonely person.

But here's the interesting feature. If I manipulate loneliness, which we have done in studies, the people who now feel embedded show a personality change. All of a sudden they're not shy, they have social skills, they're not anxious, they're optimistic, they're not hostile, they change. So this sociality is such a central trait that the individual's personality changes with that feeling. Now if you think about an occasion in your own life you felt lonely, isolated as if you weren't with a group that mattered, in fact you were being rejected by your group. You feel shy, you feel like you're clumsy, you feel anxious, you feel hostile, all of those features change, so in our own existence we can actually think about cases where we felt really loved and embedded and cases where we were lonely. And you might recognise, yourself, that your personality 'changes' with that - it's that central a trait in terms of who we are.



Natasha Mitchell: John Cacciopo from the University of Chicago. And here on ABC Radio National this is All in the Mind, with me, Natasha Mitchell, coming to you also on Radio Australia and the web. Today, the power of rejection. How do most of us respond to being socially ostracised; do we clam up or act up? At the extreme end it's a very ugly picture indeed, you might have read the case this week of a US teenager who was found with 20 bombs outside his school - a reminder of Columbine in 1999.

AM Archives Excerpt: This is AM. I'm Peter Cave, good morning. We being with terror in an American High School.

Speaker 1: I saw two gunmen, I saw them have weapons, black masks, black trench coats and needless to say I was very frightened, I saw some students running and I thank the Lord I got to hide where I did and they did not see me and blow me away subsequently.

Speaker 2: This girl came up screaming and she was like 'someone's got a gun', so everyone got under the table and then these two guys came in...

 

Jean Twenge: I think for me, the school shootings that happened in the United States are one of the main things that motivated me to work on this. Seeing that there's so much violence that came from rejection just throughout all those cases, that they were all linked back to kids being rejected by their peers.

Natasha Mitchell: Jean Twenge is Assistant Professor in the Department of Psychology at San Diego State University in California.

Jean Twenge: It was just this horrific situation. They talked about how they had been rejected and they were going to get back at people and this type of language. They also showed a high level of narcissism in the things that they said. They talked about how they could get people to believe anything they wanted to, about how they wanted to be famous, they argued over which director was going to film their story, they had this grandiosity as well, which goes against what some people think. Some people think, well, it's low esteem people, people who feel bad about themselves who will go out and be violent and that's not correct. It's people who are high in themselves and then get rejected and think 'who are you to reject me, I'm going to get back at you'. So that's another part of it as well.

Natasha Mitchell: Many people argue that the need to belong, to be part of a group, is innate in all of us, it's part of our evolutionary makeup. And so the suggestion is that we're always trying to belong, so if we somehow are rejected, then the natural inclination is to do something about that. And yet your work is actually looking at the fact that actually what people do isn't necessarily try harder to belong better.

Jean Twenge: That's right, that doesn't happen. You get the more self-destructive, self-defeating responses and you get aggression toward other people.

Natasha Mitchell: Well, you've been exploring the relationship between rejection and aggression in the lab, now first of all you actually have to somehow reject people in an experimental setting. How have you done that?

Jean Twenge: We use two different ways. The first is people come to the lab in groups of four to six people, we talk for a while and then they are told, name the two people you want to work with next. We don't actually use what they say; instead we randomly assign them to hear 'oh everybody put you down, everybody picked you'. Or they hear, 'well we looked at those nominating forms and no one chose you'. So that's the rejection condition.

And then we have another one where they take a personality test and we tell them 'well, based on your personality, here's the prediction for your future'. And one of them is 'you're going to be alone the rest of your life, your friendships are going to drift apart, you might get married but you'll probably get divorced a few times, and as time goes on you're going to be alone more and more'.

Natasha Mitchell: Oh, you're so cruel.

Jean Twenge: Yes, people often ask me, do you do this just to torture people? No, we really want to find out what the experience is like, so we can help figure out how to prevent it.

Natasha Mitchell: Now what did you measure for the people that you rejected, what were you wanting to find out?

Jean Twenge: We measured a lot of different variables. I've become recently most interested in the aggression variable. So with that they play a game with someone else where they are told, you're going to have a reaction time and whoever wins the trial gets to set the noise that another person hears and it's an aversive noise. You set it on 10 and it's loud enough to make you jump. It's not a pleasant experience, so you're basically able to cause someone else pain and discomfort, so that's this aggression game. And the people who just heard that no one chose them are much more aggressive - they blast more noise against this new person.

Natasha Mitchell: What if they have, and you've looked at this, what if they have a particularly high evaluation of themselves so they've got a narcissistic sort of personality?

Jean Twenge: Well, people who are high in narcissism, who think very highly of themselves and tend to be manipulative of other people, tend not to care about other people's feelings very much, it's 'all about me' type thing, those people are even more aggressive after rejection. If you do the random assignment and you look at the narcissism score, the people who are rejected and who are high in narcissism show the very highest level of aggression.

Natasha Mitchell: Now, you're interested in actually doing something about this and certainly for teachers in schools, for parents who are dealing with kids that have been rejected, they're being bullied or teased and the kids are becoming aggressive as a result of it for all sorts of reasons, what can we do about it? So how are you probing that, how are you attempting to try and work out how to suppress aggression after we've been rejected?

Jean Twenge: We've been trying a lot of different things, to try and do different tasks. So you get the rejection, but then you get to do another task before we measure your aggression, to try to see what can eliminate it. We found that writing about your favourite family member will get rid of the effect, having someone come in and saying 'thank you so much for being here and here's a bag of candy' - that also eliminates it.

Natasha Mitchell: So being treated nicely, or having a warm feeling about someone that you love.

Jean Twenge: Exactly. So having that kind of, we've called it 'replenishing belongingness'. So having those feelings of belonging come back, and even in a very small way and all the ways we manipulated it was very small, it was writing about a family member for two minutes or just getting that one thank you from someone and a little bit of candy, it was a pretty small thing - yet that still eliminated it. Which I think is very encouraging.

Natasha Mitchell: Jean Twenge, from San Diego State University. And besides making us aggressive, Roy Baumeister's research suggests that being rejected reduces our IQ too, at least in the short term. And he's investigated other ways in which we lose control after we've been excluded.

Roy Baumeister: They perform very poorly in this, and people who otherwise would do very well, suddenly they can't control their thoughts as well, they don't seem to be able to concentrate, they don't seem to be able to focus their attention on one thing and screen out something else. We had one study where we let them eat as many cookies as they wanted, because cookies - most of them think they are bad for you and fattening and so on. And the rejected people ate twice as many cookies, even though some of them said they even didn't like them, they just couldn't stop eating them and shovelling the food in.

Natasha Mitchell: Is that seeking comfort, is it seeking distraction maybe from what they are feeling?

Roy Baumeister: Well, I don't know, I don't know that they would put it in quite those terms, rather than a positive quest for something, it's a failure to regulate. You know you shouldn't eat all these things that are bad for you, but when you've been rejected you figure 'why should I be controlling myself, why should I make these sacrifices, why shouldn't I just do just what I feel like?'

Natasha Mitchell: You think that's what's going on, people sort of give up, in a sense, they stop putting the effort in to control their behaviour?

Roy Baumeister: Oh yes, I think a capacity to regulate and adjust our behaviour, and this capacity we have - and it's crucial because it enables us to live in a culture and in a social group with rules. There's like this reward, we'll make these sacrifices, I'll follow the rules, I won't do what I want, I'll wait my turn, I'll pay taxes, but in exchange for the rewards that come - belonging to the group. And as I said, we get almost everything we need from our culture until when you hear that you're not going to be accepted, that other people have rejected you, that they don't like you, they don't want you, you start to think, 'why should I bother making sacrifices, why shouldn't I do what I want?'

Natasha Mitchell: Professor Roy Baumeister from Florida University. Kip Williams at Macquarie University has measured four fundamental social needs which he argues are threatened when we're ostracised. Our need for belonging, a need for control, for self-esteem and a meaningful existence.

He's turned a simple exercise in ostracism, a ball-tossing game between three people into a cyber experiment in the lab. It's called Cyberball and people think they're playing a virtual ball game with two others only to find themselves progressively left out. On all measures they feel rotten, no matter what.

Kip Williams: We've done even more crazy things like we've told people that it's not other people that are ostracising them, it's simply the computer. That hurts their feelings too, in fact those people are angrier because they said, well, you learn that people let you down but computers aren't supposed to let you down.

One time one of my students said, well, surely there are groups of people who we would want to be ostracised by, we wouldn't want to be included by a group that we despised or we didn't respect or we hated? And so we did an experiment where we convinced people that they were playing with members of the KKK. They felt just as bad being ostracised for four minutes by the KKK as they did by members of their own political party, or of a rival but respected political party. So I think that we would definitely ostracise the KKK but we don't like it when they ostracise us! It hurts, at least initially. What we could find over and over and over again is that no matter how minimal or how ridiculous we make the experience, as long as the person's been excluded and have been ignored, it's painful.

Natasha Mitchell: Kip Williams, Professor of Psychology at Macquarie University in Sydney. And despite the incredible power of being ostracised, John Cacciopo argues that we too can be our own worst enemy.

John Cacciopo: Lonely people want to make connections with other people, that's why they feel dysphoric, and again, there's this evolutionary basis for that dysphoria. But they also anticipate being rejected by other people, so they act in a self protective fashion. If you know you're going to be punished, or you know you're going to be rejected you tend to kind of buffer yourself, protect yourself from that anticipated punishment. Well these other people may not know you, and if you act in that self-protective fashion, you're paradoxically engaging in self-defeating behaviour, so that turns out to be this positive feedback loop. You expect to be rejected - you end up being more rejected.

Natasha Mitchell: The message is that loneliness makes us sick. What's the way out?

John Cacciopo: Well, one of the things is that once you've recognised it - is we're not talking about short-term effects, when I say it makes you sick and these cardiovascular effects - think about a time-scale of decades rather than years. So one of the things we have to recognise is it's a lifestyle change, it's not, you know, the two-week diet, I don't have that kind of quick answer here.

Natasha Mitchell: Bugger...

John Cacciopo: Yes...Now one of the things that people don't realise is the best way to feel connected is to have value to other people and if you're out there doing voluntary service you'd be surprised how quickly you feel like you yourself are valued by other people and connected to the other people.

Natasha Mitchell: For some people, though, that's about overcoming a barrier of self-esteem and confidence to even do that.

John Cacciopo: Yes, it is, but you have to be able to start somewhere. If you're doing something and you're feeling like others value you, your self-esteem will rise pretty quickly. If you're feeling dysphoric it seems odd because we want other people to take care of us but the best way to get over that, or one quick way to get over that, is to go out and try to help other people.



End of Part One

« Last Edit: February 08, 2009, 01:41:47 PM by CZBZ »
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Re: Ostracism: The Cruel Power of Silence
« Reply #1 on: February 08, 2009, 01:41:28 PM »

http://www.abc.net.au/rn/allinthemind/stories/2005/1261365.htm

Excerpted from All In The Mind


Ostracism: The Cruel Power of Silence

Part Two



Kirsten Sommer: It comes in many forms: spousal rejection, unrequited love, peer rejection, co-worker rejection, there are many different facets. People just saying to you, 'I don't want to be your friend, I don't want to be your lover. I don't like you!' And then there's sort of the more subjective aspect which involves people's perceptions of rejection and how readily they perceive rejection, and even very ambiguous events. The work that I've done with Kip Williams on ostracism shows that a lot of times people don't think that they're rejecting somebody. For example, you might be in a conversation with somebody and sort of temporarily ignoring somebody, but you're not really thinking it's having an impact on them, whereas that person is feeling terrible.

Natasha Mitchell: And hello, Natasha Mitchell joining you for All in the Mind, great to have your company today. And this week I've got for you Part 2 in our exploration of the cruel power of silence, the ghastly experience that is social ostracism and rejection.

Woman: I've experienced it, because I come from a Greek background and as I was growing up in school I was always kind of a bit of an outsider, tried to fit in. When I went to school, my name being Anastasia, my Dad changed my name to Susan because he thought it sounded more Anglo. In that way I always felt like a bit of an outsider. Cultural things - my mother would come to school and she'd be speaking to me in Greek and I'd be totally embarrassed and you know, 'go away', and stuff like that. Yeah, well I grew up in Blacktown so you know there was no Greeks and yeah, it's hard.

Julie Fitness: There was a nice example actually, again from Sydney, that somebody told me about a while ago of a young man who married against his parents' wishes to a young woman of different ethnic religious background and on his wedding day his parents presented him with a bill for his upbringing. And the notion was that 'you're no longer a family member so this is what it costs us to raise you, so this relationship is now purely a business one' so pay the bill and on your way'.

Natasha Mitchell: The ultimate rejection, do you know what unfolded?

Julie Fitness: No, but I know that there was a feeling of betrayal on both sides. So the parents felt betrayed because their son had said 'I don't value what you value, this is what I want to do'. But of course the son felt betrayed because parents aren't meant to do that, they're meant to be there for you whatever your decision in life is. So you've got mutual expectations disconfirmed, feelings of betrayal on both sides, and you can imagine a scenario where a family might be split and never contact each other for years.

Natasha Mitchell: Social psychologist, Dr Julie Fitness, from Macquarie University. And she was one of the participants this month at an engrossing workshop on the Social Outcast - which brought together some of the world's leading researchers in the field, hosted by Macquarie and the University of NSW.

Well, I was included in the event, not ostracised, and this week on the show, new evidence from neuroscience for why it quite literally 'hurts' to be left out and also the simple power of a 'social snack' to stave of social isolation.

As we established last week, being ostracised can spell bad news for our health - long term loneliness has been linked to increased cardiovascular risk, poor sleep and compromised immunity. And now new research suggests that the emotional pain we suffer after rejection is linked to the experience of physical pain in the brain.

Naomi Eisenberger: Well, I think people talk about 'feeling hurt' or they have a 'broken heart' and the words that we use to describe these experiences are very painful words. One of the things that people seem to really like about our neuroimaging study was it showed the same neural region that's being activated to social rejection is also involved in physical pain. So I think it validated people's instincts about the fact that being rejected really does hurt.

Natasha Mitchell: Naomi Eisenberger's unusual work is giving a physical basis to the metaphors we use all the time to describe the social pain of being rejected. She's doing a PhD at the University of California, Los Angles, looking at the neural correlates of social rejection - that is, what's happening in the neural networks of our brain when we experience ostracism.

Naomi Eisenberger: We ultimately wanted to see how similar neural activity looks when people are being socially rejected to when they're experiencing physical pain. So do we see the same parts of the brain activated when people are being socially hurt that we see when they're being physically hurt?

Natasha Mitchell: Physical pain is something that we all...we find it hard to describe but we know what it is, something hurts physically but social pain is a little less tangible, isn't it? So what do you mean by social pain?

Naomi Eisenberger: With physical pain, there's two components of it: there's the part of physical pain that tells you where on your body the pain's coming from and how intense it is, and the other part of pain, the distressing part of pain, is the part of pain that really bothers us, we can't stop thinking about it, we need to do something about it. And I think this is the part of pain that is really very similar to the way we feel following rejection. We're distressed by it, we're bothered by it, we feel like there's something we need to do about it.

Natasha Mitchell: So you actually set about rejecting people and scanning their brains at the same time. How did you go about that? It's kind of a bizarre combination, but there you have it...

Naomi Eisenberger: Our collaborator, Kip Williams, had a nice paradigm where you tell people that they're playing a ball-tossing game over the Internet with two other people who are also on fMRI scanners and so they think they are just playing this simple game with two other people. And what happens is at a certain point these two individuals stop throwing the ball to the participant. Kip has shown that this kind of exclusion episode makes people feel really bad, and so we could do this in a scanner by just having people look at a computer image of two other individuals, and have them toss a ball back and forth.

Natasha Mitchell: And you scanned their brains, what areas of interest did you zero in on during this experience of a sort of cyber social rejection?

Naomi Eisenberger: There are two main areas that we looked at. The first was the anterior cingular cortex, which typically is involved in studies of physical pain. When people are feeling distressed by physical pain, that's the area that shows up. So that was the main thing that we were looking for. The other is an area called the right ventral prefrontal cortex, which is really involved in regulating, or sort of, in coping with the distress that people feel when they're either experiencing physical pain or, in our study, experiencing social pain.

Natasha Mitchell: So you zeroed in, let's take the anterior cingular cortex. Just remind us where in the brain it is again.

Naomi Eisenberger: So the anterior cingulate is in the middle of the brain. I guess if you were to drill a hole into the middle of your forehead that's about where it would be, and kind of is like a mohawk that goes over the head and the anterior part is sort of the part that's closest to your forehead, and that's basically where it is

Natasha Mitchell: So when you socially rejected people in the scanner what did you see, what were the major observations you made?

Naomi Eisenberger: Well we found that we did see this area of the anterior singular activated when they were being excluded and we found that the more activity people had in this area, the more socially distressed they reported feeling after the scan. And, I guess, it's always surprising to me when studies work, so in some ways it was surprising. But there's also a number of animal studies showing that if you take out this part of the brain that is associated with both kinds of pain that baby animals don't get upset any more when their mothers walk away, mothers don't respond when their pups are crying any more...

Natasha Mitchell: Because actually that part of the brain lights up, or is activated in, say, mothers whose pups are crying.

Naomi Eisenberger: Exactly, so you see the same part of the brain activated. Sort of like when mothers are experiencing the pain of their children, when they see that their children are crying you see the same part of the brain activated.

Natasha Mitchell: Well the thing is, though, that we don't necessarily think that social pain is of the same 'type' if you like, as physical pain. Intuitively we separate those.

Naomi Eisenberger: I think so, and in some ways I think we can still separate them so the common denominator is this affective component, this part of pain that really bothers us. Now there may be very different parts involved in the sensory components, so when we experience physical pain we get the somatosensory cortex part of the brain lit up to tell us 'well, where on this body is this pain located?' and with social pain you don't see that.

Natasha Mitchell: How would you describe this relationship, given that there is some sort of correlation here between social pain and physical pain in our brains. Where does that come from, do you think?

Naomi Eisenberger: The way that we like to talk about it is that because we have sort of a long period of immaturity as mammals, and we can't take care of ourselves, we need a care-giver to make sure that we are protected and to make sure that we're getting the proper nourishment. This kind of social connection is so important, that the system that makes sure we're connected actually piggy-backed onto the physical pain system. So we're sort of borrowing, if you will, this pain signal to make sure that we never move too far away from our close others. So we actually feel pain when we're separated from them to make sure we don't get separated from them.

Natasha Mitchell: So this drive, in a sense, to not be socially excluded - that is, as some people suggest, innate within us; is in a sense hardwired into our brains?

Naomi Eisenberger: Yes, I think it is. I mean it seems extremely primitive. You can get people experiencing social pain even when they know the rejection doesn't matter. It seems extremely hard-wired, just as hard-wired as we think physical pain is.

Natasha Mitchell: Do you think that this sort of observation - and we have to be wary about what we take from brain scan studies. You know it's easy to say 'Aha, there's a link'. But why wouldn't there be a link? But do you think that this in a sense gives more validation to social pain, the sort of validation that's given to the visceral and very public display that comes with physical pain?

Naomi Eisenberger: I think it does, and I mean I think this is why a lot of people seem to resonate with the study. It sort of gave people validation that when they're socially rejected they know it hurts, but it's almost like people don't want to believe that, and so it's sort of validated that you know there is really pain there when you're being rejected. I think in our society we make sure that kids don't go around beating each other up, but we don't care as much if they reject each other. We want people to move on if they get rejected, but you would never tell someone who had a broken leg to hurry up and get over their broken leg. So I think that studies like this do validate that there is this real kind of hurt feeling going on.

Natasha Mitchell: I wonder if this means that the analgesics we take for physical pain might just work for social pain too? Interesting possibilities there...



And that was Naomi Eisenberger, from the University of California in Los Angeles.

Song: A Friend is a Four Letter Word, by Cake



Man (vox pop with pub sounds in the background): Yeah, well it's been a belief from my own reflections on my own life that if you're alienated and you've faded from a group, you usually have created that space for yourself by alienating people and shutting down yourself. And that's both at an individual level, but also as a son of a Jew I'm interested in ethnic minorities complaining about being ostracised and persecuted but create as much of that dialogue of persecution which is basically a discourse of persecution, they play half the role themselves. And I think individuals do the same thing. So if you're feeling ostracised it's because you think of yourself as different. Probably something that happened when you're a kid you go you know something happened then you decided you were going to be different and you then replicate that in other situations the rest of your life going I'm a different person and everyone treats me differently.

Natasha Mitchell: Do you think that is the case because often people are irrationally cruel to each other. Think of the situation at the school for example when bullies, kids who receive bullying are almost innocents often.

Man: Absolutely but there's the old saying, I think it might be Chinese, which is 'no one humiliates you, you have to be humiliated, you have to choose to be humiliated'. And it's quite tough, and for kids it's different because you're not quite as prepared for the world. But if you feel humiliated or ostracised by someone as an adult, you are choosing to be humiliated and ostracised.

Natasha Mitchell: Yes, well, harsh words in anyone's book, what do you think? Well whether or not we're to blame when we're pushed out of the clan, classroom or workplace, if you've experienced social rejection and you're feeling ghastly, how do you cope?

Research in social psychology suggests many of us respond with aggression, but not all of us. And this is the focus of Associate Professor Kristen Sommer's research at the City University of New York.

Kirsten Sommer: Well whether or not we do cope in the first place, how well do we cope? What are the different coping mechanisms that are out there, again, do we sort of withdraw and crawl into our (as an analogy) like the foetal position, in trying to just kind of protect ourselves from our environment, to avoid feeling rejected, withdraw from social situations. Or do we go out there and take a very pro-active sort of assertive approach and say 'no, the implication of being rejected is that I'm not worthy of your regard and I don't accept that, I don't think that you're evaluation of me is accurate or appropriate and so I'm going to show you how good I am, I'm going to prove to you that I'm really worthy of acceptance' and to kind of overcome that initial obstacle of feeling like you're not being accepted. And so part of what I'm interested in is what determines which direction you go.

Natasha Mitchell: Now your suggestion is that self esteem can play an important role here and there's been plenty of debates of late about the status of self esteem. Is it over rated, do we over value it, but nevertheless, self esteem, you consider from your work does play a role in how we cope.

Kirsten Sommer: Yes, I think it does and you're right there has been some mixed evidence for when self esteem determines our reactions to rejection. Sometimes it doesn't, sometimes we don't get self esteem differences in how people respond, but a lot of times we do and it tends to depend on what the measure, what the behaviour is.

Some of the research that I have done when we prime people with rejection that is we sort of subliminally flash them rejection in words compared to may be more acceptance related words. And then we put them on a performance task, something that is actually a difficult unsolvable task and we have them work on it. We tell them work on it as long as you want. What we find is that following an acceptance prime or maybe even some kind of a negative prime that has nothing to do with rejection that 'trait self esteem' doesn't have any influence on how hard people work, how much they persist on difficult tasks. But when you prime them with rejection you get a huge difference in how people respond. What happens is that the people who are low in self esteem just give up, these primes are occurring very unconsciously, it's not like people even are not actually being rejected, they're not necessarily consciously thinking about rejection but it's been somehow primed in their subconscious. But just that kind of manipulation leaves people who are lower in self- esteem to just give up much more quickly. They respond with task withdrawal, they give up, they don't work as hard on tasks whereas people with high self esteem show a doubling of performance. They work really hard, they persist on difficult task for a long time and they actually perform better.

Natasha Mitchell: In a sense they rise to the challenge and they go well, "bother that, I'm going to go for it".

Kirsten Sommer: Exactly, they try to overcome this, they seem to possess the resources, if you will, to overcome the suggestion that you know someone somewhere might have been rejected. Again that prime leads them to become very focussed on what they're working on and to try really hard to do well and to say that they're trying to do well to over ride a sense of rejection might be extrapolating too much from the research; because again this is occurring very subconsciously or unconsciously. But you know it is a suggestive of how people who vary in self esteem cope with the rejection experience. People who are high can rise to the challenge, they really try to prove themselves to show how worthy they are because you know people who are high in self esteem think they're worthy and they don't accept the possibility of rejection, they don't see it as being a valid indication of who they are and what they're worth.

Natasha Mitchell: Kristen Sommer thank you very much for joining me.

Kirsten Sommer: You're absolutely welcome, thank you very much for having me.

Natasha Mitchell: Kirsten Sommer from the City University of New York.


Well here's a novel approach to coping with isolation or ostracism, have a quick snack.

Last week we heard that thinking about a loved one can prevent us from responding aggressively in the moment when we're ostracised. And Associate Professor Wendi Gardner from Northwestern University in Illinois believes this sort of social snacking as she calls it is crucial in our daily lives if we're to feel like we belong.

(Question) Where do you think belonging fits, if we think of all our social needs as something of hierarchy, where do you think belonging fits in that hierarchy?

Wendi Gardner: Well I actually is the dominant need after basic survival needs so if you think back to Malsow's classic hierarchy of needs, he placed belonging right after safety and shelter and food and water. So, belonging really forms the basis of all of our social motives, it's more important than self esteem and self enhancement, it's more important than self actualisation.

Natasha Mitchell: Well you're specifically interested too, in looking at how people cope with rejection because rejection is an ubiquitous experience is it not?

Wendi Gardner: Absolutely. And not just rejection but there's times throughout the day that we want to be socially connected and we can't. Sometimes it's because we're rejected, sometimes it's because we are really busy. I mean if you think about how often in a typical day you can actually have a deep, meaningful connection with another person, it's pretty rare and so one of the things I became interested in is, is how do people maintain a sense of connection and belonging given how important is throughout the day.

And so, we've always thought about kind of the best metaphor for belonging is hunger, and when people talk about people who are starving for acceptance, and so just like when we can't get a real meal, we'll settle for snack, we thought well have to be things that serve as social snacks. And so we started looking at things like tangible reminders of our social bonds - whether it's your wedding band, or a photo of a close friend or family member on your desk and we all seem to carry these symbolic reminders of our attachments. Americans, 85% of Americans actually keep a photo of a loved one on their desk or in their wallet so it seems like they really do rely on these reminders throughout the day.

Natasha Mitchell: Now photos are an interesting one, you've contemplated the immense social power of photos in our lives, what is the social power of a photo for us?

Wendi Gardner: There's a really interesting data set by another researcher Kanazawa, and he has this whole theory, he argues evolutionarily we weren't built to view photographs, we weren't built to view people in movies we were built to view and interact with people. And so our more primitive brain may still be processing these photos, these images as actual others and so I think there is something very powerful about having an image of a close other that reminds you of your connection with them.

Natasha Mitchell: Well you've actually tried to test this experimentally, what did you do with photos and people to try and work out how they 'socially snack', if you like, after they've been rejected?

Wendi Gardner: At first we just looked at preferences for symbolically social versus non-social behaviour and found that in fact when people are lonely or when they've been working on a solitary project for eight hours that they definitely prefer the symbolically social behaviours to matched behaviours. So for example, you might prefer to re-read email from a friend, versus surfing the lab, and you don't see these preferences for socially symbolic behaviours when they've had an acceptance experience. But more experimentally we actually had people bring in photographs of either a loved one or a liked celebrity, someone that they like, they know, but they clearly don't have a connection to. And then we threatened them, in some ways we had them either relive a rejection experience or relive a failure experience. And we took things like mood and self esteem.

And what we found is that for the failure experience it didn't matter, people just felt bad whether they had a photo of a celebrity or a friend. But for the rejection experience which is where we thought the photo of the friend should serve in some ways as a social snack as this reminder of one's social bonds, basically the people who had the photo of their friend, were buffered, they were protected, they didn't show these negative consequences in terms of mood or self esteem.

Natasha Mitchell: So for those who had a celebrity, what happened to their mood or self esteem after they were rejected and just remind us how you rejected them by the way? It's sadistic...you social psychologists working in ostracism rejecting people experimentally - but how did you do it?

Wendi Gardner: In this particular instance we picked perhaps a less sadistic manner than some of our other studies. In this one we just had them relive a rejection, we told them we wanted them to recall as vividly as possible a time in which they'd been rejected by either a close other or a group.

In other studies though we've used perhaps more sadistic methods I suppose or we've had them left out of a chat room, or left out of a ball toss game, or been told that people don't like them - just much more rejecting experiences. But in all of these cases kind of regardless of where the rejection comes from, what we find is that when people do have these social snacks to fall back on, they are protected from the negative consequences. Normally what you see is when people are left out of a ball game for example, you see huge declines in mood, not surprisingly they feel bad, and declines in self esteem, they feel worse about themselves. People also have a tendency to do really poorly on cognitive tasks. And we found that for people who have social snacks available this doesn't happen.

And it doesn't have to be a tangible reminder I mean think that's important as well. We don't have to have a photograph with us all of us do have relationships and group memberships and we can just call them up to protect ourselves as well.

Natasha Mitchell: So by calling up, you're actually referring there to sort of internal protective mechanisms that we have to better cope with the rejection experience. What sort of mechanisms, I mean in what way do we call up a previously affirming social experience at a time like that?

Wendi Gardner: Well, I've studied some people who have what's called an "interdependent self concept". Now actually all of us have both independent and interdependent self concept. If I asked you to describe yourself for example, I'm sure you could give me some personality traits and abilities and preferences, things that make you unique and those would be considered independent self characteristics. But you could also probably describe the roles and relationships, you're maybe a wife or a mother, or membership in groups and these too are self definitions but they're definitions that connect you, fundamentally, with other people. And so what we found is that people who have these inner-dependent self concepts accessible, either they're reminded of them or they're accessible because they're just chronically that way as an individual difference - these people are protected from rejection both the cognitive and their self esteem drops.

Natasha Mitchell: So if you don't have those sorts of inner resources to draw upon what happens to you?

Wendi Gardner: That's a really interesting question. One of the things I've been interested in is what my lab calls the "belonging strategy of last resort" and that's the notion that the need to belong is so powerful, we need to feel attached to something or someone so much that sometimes what you'll see is people forming what are called para-social relationships. In some ways it's like imaginary friendships, people who are attaching or connecting with someone or something that can't connect back with them.

You might see people becoming really attached to their house plants for example. A good friend of mine did that when she was very lonely, or you can see people attaching themselves to celebrities. In some ways the fact that I used this celebrity contrast could have almost hurt me because we've discovered there's this relatively small group of people who when they need to belong seem to attach themselves very strongly to imaginary relationships with the celebrities on television. And importantly, actually it's not the celebrities themselves they're attached to it's the characters. For example I used to be a huge Buffy the Vampire Slayer fan and I would say to anyone "I really like that show, it's a great show". I was interested in the show, that's different from para-social attachment. People who score high in para-social attachment say things like "Buffy keeps me company" or "I feel comforted by the sound of Buffy's voice in my house". I mean these are people who really connect with the character in a relationship type way, that obviously is non-reciprocal but may have some protective benefits.

Natasha Mitchell: That's extraordinary, I mean that's suggesting that we don't need the physical proximity of others to feel like we're socially connected. The television might provide that for us.

Wendi Gardner: Yeah, I mean one of the crazier theories out there that I referred to before about how evolutionarily we're not meant to understand that the people in the boxes in TV aren't real people, is that perhaps one of the reasons so many of us live alone now is that maybe we can right, because we can get social interaction, we can just turn on the television. Whether or not that's healthy is a completely different question just like snacks are no substitute for meals when you're talking nutritionally, I think that's true socially as well.

Natasha Mitchell: You use the analogy of the desert island and for those who have seen Tom Hanks in Castaway where he ends up on a desert island and you know whatever we think of Tom Hanks it's actually quite a powerful performance because he ends up having this incredible intimate relationship with a soccer ball with a face etched onto it, and he's devastated when the ball floats away, it's like his whole social world has come to an end.

Wendi Gardner: Yeah, and I think that's actually one of the most poignant moments in that entire movie is when he's forced to choose actually between saving his own life and saving Wilson, his soccer ball. And you can tell for him it's an incredibly difficult decision. And yeah, I think that shows the power of attachment that we need to attach to others, they don't have to attach back to us. And one worry with para-social relationships is that potentially these are the most socially vulnerable, these are the loneliest people in the population, they maybe the most social insecure, socially phobic. And to the extent that these relationships are a crutch that allow them not to form true real relationships it could be problematic.

Natasha Mitchell: Wendy Gardner thanks for joining me on the program this week.

Wendi Gardner: Thank you.

Natasha Mitchell: Associate Professor Wendi Gardner from Northwestern University and it's a nice idea that one, social snacking, simple but powerful I reckon.


End of Part Two

“The moment a woman comes home to herself, the moment she knows that she has become a person of influence, an artist of her life, a sculptor of her universe, a person with rights and responsibilities who is respected and recognized, the resurrection of the world begins.” ~Joan Chittister
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